First Migrants: Ancient Migration in Global Perspective

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Because they had had tens of thousands fewer years in which to reproduce, the population was significantly smaller both in absolute and per area terms than elsewhere. The number of people per square kilometer was three times lower than in Africa, six times lower than in Asia, and eight times lower than in Europe. The lower density and diffusion of the population combined with geographical traits to inhibit internal mobility and connectivity.

First Migrants: Ancient Migration in Global Perspective

The elongated shape of the Western Hemisphere along a north-south axis compared to the east-west axis of Eurasia generates greater climatic change and hindered the diffusion of domesticated plants and animals. The mountain ranges that run along the western side of the Americas from Alaska to Chile, the deserts that run from Nevada to Chihuahua and from Atacama to Patagonia, the Darien jungle on the Isthmus of Panama, and parts of Amazonia added impediments to the movement of people and their material culture Moya, The contrast in the level of connectivity and diffusion between the New and Old World is striking.

Potatoes, quinoa, llamas, guinea pigs, bronze, rope bridges, and the quipu a counting technique were domesticated or developed in the central Andes but did not spread to Mesoamerica or anywhere else in pre-Columbian America. Similarly, tomatoes, turkeys, writing, and the concept of zero were domesticated or developed in Mesoamerica and stayed there.

On the other hand, wheat, barley, lentils, flax, cattle, horses, sheep, goats, cats, the honey bee, bronze, iron, the alphabet, and Arabic numerals were domesticated or developed in the Middle East and spread throughout Eurasia. Indeed, of all the technological and material advantages that explain why Spaniards were able to reach and conquer Amerindians and not the other way around caravels that could sail against the wind, the compass, astrolabe, cartography, printing, steel, firearms, horses and other domesticated animals, and immunity to smallpox not a single one had been domesticated or developed in Spain Moya, The wider gaps in technological development within the New World, where bronze-age cultures in nuclear America abutted Paleolithic groups, and between the Americas and Eurasia resulted from these gaps in the level of mobility, contacts and connectivity.

There was limited or no contact between South and North America, between the two sites of complex culture in nuclear America, between these sites and the rest of the hemisphere, and between the Americas and the rest of the world - including, with terrible consequences after , its disease environment. The low population density outside of nuclear America, the decimation of the Amerindian population in the decades after the conquest, and the military and technological advantages of the conquerors help explain another distinctive characteristic of Latin America: the deep impact that the post colonizers would have in comparison to others elsewhere.

The transformative capacity of Iberian colonialism in the Americas reflected not only the distinctive characteristics of the New World but also of Iberian colonial migration to it. The wealth and opportunities generated by silver in the viceroyalties of New Spain and Peru and by a gold and diamond boom in eighteenth-century Brazil attracted hundreds of thousands of immigrants. Moreover, precious metals promoted economic growth and opportunities not only where mined but also along the trade routes.

The gold of Minas Gerais generated an economic golden age throughout coastal Brazil and waves of Portuguese immigration. Silver transport from Mexico to Spain turned Havana into a major port in the Americas and led to the development of a precocious service economy that by the eighteenth century had turned Cuba into a major magnet for immigrants. The export of Peruvian silver through the River Plate in the second half of the eighteenth century pushed the Argentine gross domestic product and immigration rates above those of Mexico or Peru.

The free and spontaneous migratory currents that these pull factors prompted were rare outside Ibero-America before Elsewhere, imperial powers struggled to induce subjects to move to the colonies and ended up relying on various forms of forced or semi-voluntary migrations. Over two-thirds of the , British that arrived in the New World before did so as indentured servants and more than 60, as convicts Stewart, ; Morgan, ; Jordan; Walsh, Before , there were only a few thousand British in India other than soldiers Games, , p.

The Dutch had to rely on sailors for the East and West Indies Companies half of whom were non-Dutch , soldiers, indentured laborers, orphans, and foreigners to settle their colonies Kruijtzer, ; Silva, Russians had to rely on the forced transportation of convicts and serfs to colonize Siberia Lincoln, The Portuguese also had to recur to exporting orphans, reformed prostitutes, and convicts to populate their non-American colonies Coates, ; ; and the Spanish Crown used convict labor to settle its African outposts and attempted to send settlers and families to the Philippines with little success Pike, ; Lagarde, By comparison, when it came to populate the Americas, Spain and Portugal not only did not have to rely on indentured servants, convicts, and foreigners, but the supply of willing emigrants was so high that they had to restrict, rather than promote, departures Slicher Van Bath, Despite these restrictions, about , Spaniards and , Portuguese made it to the New World during the colonial period.

First Migrants Ancient Migration In Global Perspective

Moreover, the common idea that these were just single men, in comparison to the family-based movement to British North America, originated in stereotypes about conquistadors and the exceptional cases of New England Puritans and Pennsylvania Quakers. In reality, the proportion of women in the British and Iberian transatlantic movements was similar: between 20 and 25 percent. At the most primary level, Iberian colonialism transformed the physical ecology of the Americas to a degree unknown in the history of European colonialism in the Afro-Asiatic world, or for that matter of Arab colonialism in North Africa.

At the microscopic level, imported pathogens decimated the indigenous population in a demographic catastrophe of a magnitude without parallel anywhere else with the possible exception of the medieval Black Death and the Spanish influenza pandemic of Whether they were estancias in the pampas, fazendas in Brazil, haciendas in Indo-America, or plantations in Afro-America, the prevalence of latifundia, a land-tenure system dominated by large estates, shaped rural space and social relations in most of Latin America. The precocious development of commercial agriculture - whether export-oriented or domestic - became another distinguishing historical characteristic of the region.

Renaissance Mediterranean urban planning with its central plazas and checkerboard grid shaped space in towns and cities from Chile to Mexico. Iberian law imposed a unifying legal and legalistic culture that affected anything from marriage and domestic relations to inheritance and commercial contracts. Roman Catholicism had a unifying and lasting effect on the entire region both as a set of beliefs and practices and as a public institution. The Iberian languages imposed a degree of linguistic unity that sets Latin America apart from any other continent.

In the Spanish possessions, the fact that Andalusia, Estremadura, and New Castile - rather than Spain in general - supplied the majority of arrivals during the first century of colonization, shaped and unified American Castilian. Indeed, it is revealing that with a single minor exception Palenquero, a Spanish-Bantu patois spoken by a few hundred descendants of runaway slaves in a village southeast of Cartagena the only creoles in Latin America are English-based languages introduced by West Indians immigrants in the Atlantic coast of Central America and the Colombian islands of San Andres and Providencia.

The absence does not obey any intrinsic trait of the Spanish and Portuguese languages or of Iberian imperialism in general. After all, a Spanish-based creole developed in the Philippines Chabacano and eighteen Portuguese creoles have emerged in Africa, Asia and even the Americas Portuguese accounts for over half of the vocabulary of Papiamento in Aruba, Bonaire, and Curacao, and for a quarter of Saramaccan in Surinam. A comparison of current saturation level of colonial languages worldwide highlights the distinctiveness of the Iberian colonial experience in the Americas.

These drastic contrasts in the usage of colonial languages and the absence of Spanish or Portuguese creoles in Latin America reflect a broader phenomenon that transcends linguistics: the cultural breadth and depth of Iberian colonialism in the New World. Its impact runs the gamut from the most primary and physical to the most ethereal. It is palpable in the ecology, the flora and fauna, agriculture and husbandry, food and cooking, urban space, public and domestic architecture, politics, the law, language, literature, music, high and folk art, naming patterns, and just about every aspect of social life.

Even some Latin American cultural artifacts that came to be seen as quintessentially indigenous - such as the bowler hats, traditional polleras skirts , and charangos small guitars of the Andean region - are actually Castilian imports from the sixteenth century. Indeed, the Iberian cultural imprint often became invisible precisely because it was so deep and buried in time that it appeared to most observers as local, natural, and indigenous. The emphasis of the historiography on the Amerindian and African components of Latin America in the last few decades has contributed its share in making such an omnipresent and presumably obvious element, less visible.

This has obscured two factors crucial in defining Latin America as a meaningful category beyond mere geographical adjacency. One is internal. The Iberian cultural imprint is the principal commonality that warrants including countries and regions that are drastically different in ethno-racial composition, levels of economic development, and social structure, in the same category. The other is external. The Iberian imprint distinguishes Latin America from the rest of the so-called global South. Nowhere in the Afro-Asiatic world did European culture spread so widely and seep so deeply.

This transformative colonization reflects specific conditions and processes. One could be that Iberian colonialism in the Americas began earlier and lasted longer some three centuries in the mainland and four in Cuba and Puerto Rico than most other cases. Yet that is not enough. Unlike in the latter, they were never expelled by a native Reconquista, nor by wars of independence as happened to the Spanish and Portuguese in Latin America.

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The imperial presence of the Dutch in Indonesia, the Spaniards in the Philippines, or for that matter, the Arabs in Spain, began as early or earlier than the Iberian empires in Latin America and lasted longer yet their long-term influence was significantly smaller. Two other factors, beyond the age and length of imperial rule, can explain the unusual transformative capacity of Iberian colonialism in the Americas. The first is the gap in technology and material culture between the conquerors and the conquered.

The lack of connectivity internally in the Americas and between it and the rest of the world was result, part, and cause of this gap and of the related decimation of the aboriginal population by arms and germs. This is a very different encounter than those between Arab invaders and Berbers in the Maghreb, Turks and the pre-Turkic population of Anatolia, or the British and French and their colonies in Africa and Asia, where the material and immunological gap was much narrower or even benefited the conquered.

The Iberian conquest actually shows greater resemblance to the expansion of Austronesians and Bantus three millennia ago into the Pacific and the southern half of Africa respectively at the expense of groups with limited knowledge of metals, no pack animals and wheeled vehicles, and little immunity to external diseases. The second key explanation is the relative thick and long-lasting inflow of settlers with an important female component. In many regions, Iberian colonizers and their descendants came to represent the majority. The largest of these regions is the temperate belt of South America.

But others developed elsewhere, such as in Antioquia and Caldas in Colombia, the Altos de Jalisco and other areas in northern Mexico, the central highlands of Costa Rica and Puerto Rico, Merida in Venezuela, and western and central Cuba.

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Where this did not happen, Iberians and their descendants accounted for a larger proportion of the population than is often assumed. Yet, the way racial categories are constructed and perceived in the Americas actually underestimates, and conceals, the European component. These constructions are particularly arbitrary and illogical but have been naturalized to a degree that they cloud our intellect and perception.

They explain why we can consider, see, and refer to, say President Obama, as black, African-American, and nonwhite but not as white, Euro-American, or nonblack, although logically and visually both options are equally valid, and in the case of Obama, the latter comes closer to the truth culturally since he was raised by his white mother and family and saw his African father only once in his life.

All over the Americas, these taxonomies emerged not just to classify, as in Linnaean botany, but also to rank and exclude. Whiteness, therefore, functioned as both a default and a gatekeeper. This explains why Latin Americans of mixed origins with significant, and even predominant, European ancestry are seen and classified, and see and classify themselves, as non-white. Similar results appear when others do the classification. The perception of North American scholars appears even more distorted.

This is no fluke. Autosomal DNA studies often show a higher European component in the genomic composition of Latin American countries, particularly those usually seen as non-white, than census figures or scholarly estimates. As in all places with a history of conquest, and to a lesser degree of labor immigration, the genomic input of the victors and arrivals comes disproportionately from the male side.

What is distinctive about Latin America is the magnitude of the input.

Only in the British colonies of settlement and in Quebec did colonizers have a greater demographic, and thus cultural, impact. The density and breadth of the Iberian cultural influence in the Americas had two important consequences. One was that it made the Iberian Atlantic during the colonial period a socio-cultural space rather than simply a section of two empires, or of one during the union of the Spanish and Portuguese Crowns , with return and circular migration sustaining transatlantic links.

The other is that it enabled the continuity of the Iberian Atlantic as a socio-cultural space long after it had ceased to exist as a political unit. After all, most Spaniards and Portuguese arrived to the Americas after the emancipation of the colonies. Their back and forth movements and transatlantic family connections promoted greater migration and connectivity. They continued the process of Iberianization in the Americas. So did Iberianized natives of various races who in many cases were not themselves of Iberian origin.

Indeed, the Hispanization of the most indigenous regions of Latin America took place mainly in the postcolonial period and particularly in the twentieth century with growing urbanization, internal mobility, expanding national states, public education, and mass media. In most of Latin America, however, strong Ibero-creole culture had already developed by the end of the colonial period. These had become hegemonic enough to evolve into shared national cultures and prevent, as we will see, the formation of permanent subcultures by non-Iberian postcolonial arrivals.

The force transportation of 12 million Africans across the Atlantic between and the middle of the nineteenth century surpassed arrivals from Europe four to one and represents the first truly massive transoceanic movement in human history. However, the numbers and proportions changed radically over time. The destination of slaves during this second period of Iberian domination, however, shifted significantly. While slaves imported to Spanish America had outnumbered those imported to Luso-America six to one during , in the 19th century those heading to the latter outnumber those going to the former three to one.

Within Brazil the destination of the traffic moved southward in three stages. Between to , Bahia dominated as it imported two-thirds of the slaves Verger, Rio de Janeiro received a similar share during the 19th century as coffee production there, and later in Sao Paulo, increasingly replaced sugar and the northeast as the most dynamic economy in the country. Shifts in destination within Spanish America were equally noticeable. Within the Spanish American mainland, routes shifted southward as the Rio de la Plata replaced Cartagena and Veracruz as the main entry point of slaves heading for the silver regions of Upper Peru.

As many historians have noticed, Buenos Aires and Montevideo, cities that became later associated with European immigration, were the principal slave ports in the Spanish Empire during its last decades in the American mainland Borucki, More striking is the surge of Cuba. The precocious service economy this engendered made Cuba probably the most urbanized society in the world around , surpassing the urbanization rates of England and the Netherlands at the time. The relative absence of slaves reflected the scarcity and small size of sugar plantations compared to Hispaniola during the sixteenth century; the English, French, and Dutch Lesser Antilles during the seventeenth; and Jamaica and Saint-Domingue during the s Moya, a.

Several events and processes would change that at the turn of the 19th century. The Haitian revolution destroyed the most productive sugar complex in the world. Demand during the Napoleonic Wars raised prices for the commodity. The impact was wide ranging. It increased and Africanized the population. It transformed an economy based on peasant production, service, and trade into one that was mixed but driven by a mono-cultural plantation complex.

It changed a system of social relations based on free labor with some slaves into one where slavery became omnipresent Bergad, The resident slave population increased from 4, in to , in the s. By the end of that decade, efforts to bring other bonded workers surfaced as Cuban planters brought in hundreds of enslaved rebel Maya Indians from Yucatan and the first of the , coolies that arrived from Canton during the next three decades, giving the island the largest Chinese population outside of Asia Yun, ; Corbitt, The late surge of the slave traffic distinguished Cuba and Brazil from the rest of the Americas.

It turned them into the most important and socio-culturally complex slave societies of the 19th century. In the rest of Latin America, most of the slave trade had taken place much earlier before the s. Most of the black population therefore had been native-born for generations and, given the accumulation of high rates of manumission, free. Yet, this placed Cuba and Brazil in the middle of the spectrum of liberty in the New World. After all, the proportion of free people among the black populations of the U.

South and the British and French West Indies ranged between 3 and 5 percent. This turned Cuba and Brazil into more complex places that were neither slave societies nor free societies with a few slaves. Even within the same extended family, one could find plantation slaves, those who worked independently and paid their masters a share of their income, recently manumitted persons, people who have been freeborn for generations, and even ex-slaves slave-owners.

The wave of arrivals also turned Cuba and Brazil into societies of African immigration and an anomaly in the history of African identity-formation in the Americas. While every other destination on the western side of the Black Atlantic witnessed a trend towards a generic racial black identity during the 19th century, Cuba and Brazil saw an opposite move towards stronger and more sharply defined African ethnic identities.

Religion, language, music, confraternities, and other forms of sociability came to be defined not only by the larger Yoruba and Bantu divide but also by other African ethnicities. Blacks were actually more numerous in the United States and represented a larger proportion of the population in most of the Caribbean, including the Atlantic coast of Central and northern South America and even the Pacific coasts of Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru.

What distinguished Cuba and Brazil was their position as societies of contemporary African immigration, including women who accounted for three-tenths of the inflow, and the resulting intensity of African culture. It is true that in terms of the actual movement, its lack of volition, and its market component, slave traffic resembled more trade than migration.

But the actual movement is a small portion of the immigration experience and in terms of the longer process of adaptation and collective identity formation, the experience of slaves resembled that of free immigrants in various ways and these are most visible in Cuba and Brazil precisely because they were the last societies of African mass migration in the Americas. One similarity between bonded and free migrations is the attempt of newcomers to form social networks of solidarity based on micro-region of origin.

The resemblances are many. Among both the free and the bonded, most of these networks were informal and left few records. In both cases, they also included more institutional arrangement in the form of beneficence associations. The example of the Abakua society, founded in the town of Regla in Cuba in the s, illustrates the recurrent patterns.

As with the landsmanshaftn of Jewish immigrants or other immigrant hometown associations, it was founded not by an ethnic group in general, but by those from a specific origin, in this case Efiks from the Cross River region of southeastern Nigeria. As among many of the landsmanshaftn , it was a fraternal association restricted to men. As the tongs of overseas Chinese or many Irish immigrant county associations, it was a secret society.

As in other cases, the criteria for membership tended to expand with time to include individuals from the broader ethno-linguistic group and at times outsiders connected to members by non-ethnic ties. Specific African ethnicity framed strategies of adaptation. In Brazil, the Bantu, originated in the Portuguese colonies of Angola and to a lesser degree Mozambique, arrived early and often semi-Lusitanized, and formed a large and multi-generational majority accounting for seven-tenths of Africans in the country Ferreira, ; Slenes, This gave them greater familiarity with the local language, culture and ways, and much deeper and broader social networks.

Although they had rebelled and formed the largest settlement of runaway slaves in the Americas during their early days in Brazil in the beginning of the seventeenth century, with time their accumulated social capital facilitated strategies of adaptations and negotiations rather than outright resistance. They were more likely to procure better positions within the system overseers, domestic and urban occupations, better jobs in the plantations than other groups, access the legal system, and be manumitted.

By contrast, the Hausa and northern Yoruba from what is today Nigeria, arrived late, from non-Lusitanized regions, and as Muslims, which increased their alterity. With few roots in the local society, no multi-generational connections, and little knowledge of local ways, one of the few strategies of coping with slavery available to them was frontal revolt.

Diverging ethnic strategies of adaptation in turn led to, as they did among free immigrants, to the formation of ethnic stereotypes. The former defined themselves as courageous and principled while denouncing the Bantu as cowardly and submissive. Similar stereotypes surfaced in Cuba, where the Yoruba were also later arrivals, had fewer local connections, and were seen as more rebellious.

There is a common rat called Congolese, and very cowardly it is too. Brazil and Cuba also exhibit two other common elements in the construction of ethnic stereotypes in immigrant societies: the tendency to define the physical and phenotypical traits of the immigrants and to establish cultural hierarchies among them. These arguments echoed those made by Nina Rodrigues, one the founders of Brazilian anthropology in the late 19th century, who took for granted the cultural superiority of the Yoruba and other northern people over the Bantu but argued that contrary to established opinion and actually, historical fact , the former were as numerous in Brazil as the latter.

The tendency to employ ethnic stereotypes that assigned and mixed physical and character traits, however, was not limited to anthropologists and elites. It crossed class and racial boundaries as the descriptions by the runway slave Esteban Montejo indicate:. The Congolese were black-skinned, though there were many of mixed blood with yellowish skin and light hair [suggesting greater assimilation].

They were usually small. The Mandingas were reddish-skinned, tall and very strong. I swear by my mother they were a bunch of crooks, too! They kept apart from the rest. The Gangas were nice people, rather short and freckled. Many of them became runaways. They only killed pigs on Sundays and at Easter and, being good businessmen, they killed them to sell, not to eat themselves.

As was the case with free immigrants in the Americas, ethnic ties tended to decline with time and give way to wider identities. From an initial association with hometown or micro-regions of origin, collective identities fused into broader but still African-based groupings that came to resemble national identities.

Yet rather than pure inventions, these identities represented creations that fused pre-migration traits, elements from other African backgrounds found in the Americas, and Ibero-creole components. As the African inflow ended, languages were lost and creolization accelerated. But African ethnic identities survived mainly in symbolic forms, sometimes in exaggeratedly self-conscious expressions - not too dissimilar to the resurgence of white ethnicity in the United States in the s - and sometimes unknowingly. In this case, as in many others of migrants after several generations, we have ethnic persistence without ethnic consciousness, memory or identity.

A final distinctive characteristic of the surge of plantation slavery in Brazil and Cuba during the first half of the 19th century is that, despite its dynamism, it never overwhelmed the rest of the economic and social structure. The free colored peasantry not only survived the sharp advent of slavery but increased their ranks both in absolute and relative numbers after the mid-nineteenth century. And so did the white rural and urban working classes with the arrivals of millions of European immigrants in the next eight decades.

Like the United States, Brazil and Cuba developed thus from dual roots as societies of slavery and free settlement, of oppression and opportunities, contradictions that have lasted to the present. The largest migrations to Latin America during the first half of the nineteenth century were only partially postcolonial. About 70, Europeans entered Cuba during that period, when the island was still a colony. But some of these inflows were postcolonial in origin: Spanish and French refugees fleeing from the collapse of colonial regimes in the mainland and Saint-Domingue Berenguer, The largest European flows to Cuba during the second half of the century were categorically colonial: about , Spanish soldiers sent to the island to put down anti-colonial revolts.

As Cuban historians have shown, the Spanish army became a mechanism of immigration. The Europeans who arrived between the mid nineteenth century and the world depression of , represent the largest population inflow in Latin America history Table 1. This movement accounts for seven-tenths of all the people who ever came to Latin America, and one-quarter of all the Europeans who left their native continent during the period.

The regional sources, however, differed from the European flow elsewhere. In the United States, the stream originated also from northwestern Europe almost exclusively before and more than half during the entire period. In Latin America, the inflow was heavily southern European Table 2. Italy alone accounted for almost four-tenths of all newcomers, Spain for three-tenths, and Portugal for one one-tenth. The two peninsulas of southwestern Europe thus supplied close to 80 percent of the arrivals.

Regional origins within these southern European countries were, however, heavily northerner. In the case of Italy, the northern preponderance reflected time of arrival. Unlike European migration in general, which acquired massive dimensions in the U. During the 19th century, the stream toward that region was twice as large as that to North America. The fact that the upper strip of the peninsula dominated the transatlantic exodus for much of the 19th century gave these early Italian enclaves in Latin America a strong northern imprint.

Liguria the coastal region surrounding Genoa supplied the single largest contingent in Argentine cities; the Piedmont played that role in the pampas and the Veneto in Brazil. During the 20th century, the Mezzogiorno increased its participation. But northerners retained an overall majority for the entire period in Latin America, in stark contrast to the United States, where southerners accounted for four-fifths of all Italian immigrants Baily, The northern prevalence had even earlier origins in the case of Spain. The Cantabrian seaboard had replaced Andalusia and the South as the main source of migration to the Indies already by the eighteenth century.

The trend continued during the 19th century in spite of significant migration from the Canary Islands to Cuba and Venezuela. Basques became the Iberian equivalent of the Piedmontese in the River Plate region: pioneer settlers of the pampas. Their early arrival and concentration on pastoral activities earned them enough wealth and prestige to popularize the idea that the Argentine landed oligarchy was mostly ethnically Basque. Asturians were particularly numerous in Mexico and Cuba.

Catalans spread throughout much of Spanish America. Catalans and Jews were the most overrepresented ethnic groups in the anarchist movement both in Europe and in the Americas Moya, Galicians became the largest group in all receiving countries. Their numbers and visibility turned gallego into a generic term for Spaniards in Latin America, and into the ludicrous stock character of ethnic popular humor, the Spanish American equivalent of Portuguese jokes in Brazil, and Polish jokes in the United States Moya, The northern shift among the Portuguese was also well established already in the late colonial period.

By the early s, the small region of Minho in the northwestern corner of Portugal provided half of all immigrants in Brazil. Around more than a third of the Portuguese residents of Rio de Janeiro had been born in the city of Porto, in the Douro region just south of Minho. But this predominance of the northern mainland characterized only the movement to Brazil.

As in the case of Italy, we find a sharp contrast between crossings to South America and those to North America, where 70 percent of Portuguese immigrants originated in the Azores and much of the remainder in Madeira and the Cape Verde Islands Moya, b. The remaining one-fifth of European immigrants in Latin America who did not come from the Italian and Iberian peninsulas numbered close to 3 million people.

Ethnic Germans represented the largest single group. A German geographer estimated the number of his co-ethnics in Latin America at 2 million in France joined the crossings early and accounted for as much as one-tenth of the stream in the 19th century but diminished its participation after Eastern Europeans were more numerous but also more difficult to identify because of the multiethnic nature of the polities in the region, their changing boundaries, and even their shifting existence.

Argentina, for example, recorded the entry of , Poles and 48, Yugoslavs after World War I but none before.

"First Migrants: Ancient Migration in Global Perspective" by Peter Bellwood?

Jews made such a large proportion of eastern European immigrants that ruso and less often polaco , became generic terms for the Ashkenazim in South America. Other ethnic Europeans came from elsewhere. Some 50, people, many of them European-born, left the United States and Canada for Cuba during the first two decades of the 20th century, including rural settlers who founded eighty agricultural colonies. Many of the , Middle Easterners who came to Latin America , of them to Argentina, 95, to Brazil, and 70, elsewhere entered as turcos because they traveled with Ottoman passports. But few were actually Turks or even Muslims.

The vast majority were members of religious minorities in the Ottoman Empire and its successor states. Armenians, a group already dispersed throughout the Middle East before moving across the Atlantic, came from a variety of countries. Those in Argentina, which today has the ninth-largest Armenian population in the world , , came mostly from Cilicia in the southeastern coast of Turkey after the massacres of Adana in Brazil 40, and Uruguay 19, have the next two largest Armenian communities in Latin America.

Palestinians from Bethlehem and a handful of other Christian towns went mostly to Chile, which has the largest concentration of Palestinians outside of the Middle East; Honduras, where they make up 2 percent of the national population; and El Salvador. Syrian-Lebanese, mainly Christian Maronites from Mount Lebanon, moved in large numbers to the classic countries of immigration in South America, particularly Brazil, which has the largest Lebanese community in the world Truzzi, But they found their way to every single country in the Western Hemisphere. Even within the traditional host countries, they moved to regions, such as the Andean Northwest of Argentina and the Northeast of Brazil, where few European newcomers settled.

Six-tenths of these were Chinese and moved mainly to Cuba, Peru, and to a lesser degree northern Mexico. Because male contract laborers accounted for the overwhelming majority, the settled Chinese communities remained relatively small. Japanese arrived later but as family groups so in spite of their smaller numbers, the ethnic communities reproduced much more. The one in Brazil numbers about 2 million, which gives the country the largest population of Japanese origin outside of Japan.

As with the African slave traffic and as Table 3 shows , European migration headed to all Latin American countries but at the same time it was highly concentrated. This reflected a global ecological process. The European exodus represented the largest relocation of population in world history, moving it from the most densely populated temperate regions of the planet to its least densely populated temperate regions. Indeed, the only places in the tropics to receive significant numbers of Europeans were in Latin America: Cuba and central Brazil. European immigration reversed socioeconomic rank within of the Western Hemisphere.

Before , the colonial success stories rested on a combination of indigenous labor and precious metals, or African slavery and tropical cash crops. The silver of Zacatecas and Potosi had turned Mexico and Peru into the shining stars in the firmament of the Spanish Empire. Sugar and slavery had turned Saint-Domingue and Barbados into some of the richest colonies in the world, worth many times more to the French and British than Quebec or the future United States Dupuy, ; Eltis, Free immigration and its accompanying processes had turned the poorest colonies in the Western Hemisphere into its richest countries.

A similar reversal occurred within countries. In the United States, the shift went in the other geographical direction - from the South to the Northeast - but in the same social track from a region of slavery and plantations to one of commercial farms, factories, and immigrants Moya, The shift in the distribution of urban centers in the Americas illustrates this overall reversal.

By the largest eleven cities in the Americas, and eighty-one of the top one hundred, were cities in Euro-America. The five most urbanized countries Uruguay, Cuba, Argentina, the United States, and Canada in that order were the ones with the highest proportion of European immigrants in their populations. Indeed, only the blinders of U. Modernity not only shifted spatially but also in its internal content. Economically it shifted - in the new regions of European immigration of the Americas - to a system that was capitalist not only in terms of exchange and commercialization as it had been in the old colonial core but also in terms of social relations of production, based on free labor rather than slavery and semi-bondage arrangements.

Economic growth acquired here a stronger connection to social welfare. The regions of European immigration developed the largest and most powerful labor movement in Latin America and one of the most powerful in the world. They boasted the highest nutritional levels, the highest life expectancy and lowest mortality, the highest levels of civic participation in mutual aid societies and other voluntary associations, and the highest levels of popular participation in banking and savings.

They also had the earliest and most inclusive forms of political participation, the highest literacy rates, and the highest per capita levels of printed material, theater performances, sport clubs and activities, and other cultural products. These represented the first mass societies in Latin America. Economic and sociocultural resources there were both more abundant and more equally distributed than in the rest of Latin America, and in fact than in most of Europe.

By the s, real wages in Argentina and Uruguay surpassed those in every European country except England and Switzerland, which they matched. Water consumption and home-ownership rates were higher than in any country in the Old World. Incorporating research findings over the last twenty years, First Islanders examines the human prehistory of Island Southeast Asia.

This fascinating story is explored from a broad swathe of multidisciplinary perspectives and pays close attention t Du kanske gillar. First Farmers Peter Bellwood Inbunden. First Islanders Peter Bellwood Inbunden. Ladda ned. Spara som favorit.